Margot Sanger-Katz writes at the New York Times that the Republican healthcare bill is increasingly becoming a rollback of Medicaid:
“[T]he Medicaid caps have not drawn the same public outcry as other provisions of the law that would cut back on coverage more directly. Several Republican senators have expressed concerns about changes to Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion, which broadened the program to include more low-income adults in 31 states. [ ] Others worry about changes to private insurance subsidies that would make insurance less affordable to older, middle-class Americans. Fewer have spoken out about the cuts to Medicaid’s legacy beneficiaries. That means that, as the Senate works out final details, the forced diet for Medicaid is likely to stay in the bill.”
The GOP bill plans draconian cuts to the Medicaid program, both by unwinding Obamacare’s expansion of Medicaid coverage to people earning up to 138 percent of the poverty line, and by capping the amount that the federal government will chip in to cover people on “traditional” Medicaid. These cuts jeopardize healthcare for people from all walks of life, including middle-class families with children with disabilities, or elderly people in nursing homes. Nearly one hundred million Americans rely on Medicaid—our country’s largest health insurer.
But in the conservative war against Obamacare, Medicaid has always been a convenient target. In the first hotly politicized court challenge to Obamacare in 2012, the Supreme Court upheld the law’s individual mandate, but weakened its Medicaid expansion by making it voluntary for the states. Even liberal justices Stephen Breyer and Elena Kagan joined the Court’s conservatives in striking down the mandatory Medicaid expansion. This preserved the individual insurance markets for the middle-class, while leaving public insurance coverage for the near-poor at the whims of state governments.
Conservative lawmakers seized on the “Red State Option” opened up by the Court to make their stand against Obamacare. Nineteen states held out and refused free federal money to cover nearly all of the expansion. Instead, conservative state leaders denied healthcare coverage to some 2.5 million people in order to claim a scalp from Obamacare.
Conservatives at the time trotted out half-hearted pretextual reasons for spurning the Medicaid expansion. Some argued that they didn’t believe the federal government would maintain funding for Medicaid. Others second-guessed Congress for running deficits and taking on new debts to extend healthcare to more people.
The irony, of course, is that until now, the federal government has never permanently reduced state funding for Medicaid—and has twice increased funding in the last twenty years. (A small exception was in 1981, when President Reagan and Congress enacted a temporary Medicaid funding cut.) It required a conservative takeover of Washington to bootstrap in the spurious fear of Medicaid cuts that their ideological brethren supposedly fretted over in the states.
What’s more, the concern-trolling of state conservatives over the federal debt is proving just as hollow. Congressional Republicans are poised to slash Medicaid funding for the poor with one hand while doling out gargantuan tax cuts for the wealthy donor class with the other. The net impact of squeezing Medicaid on the federal debt will be negligible at best. Yet the silence from conservative fiscal hawks is deafening.
A second irony (really more of a tragedy) in the Republican healthcare ransacking is that Medicaid had been the most successful vehicle for Obamacare’s coverage expansion, helping cut the uninsured rate in the United States to never-before-seen lows. The subsidized private insurance marketplaces have only reached half the size that the Congressional Budget Office expected when the law was enacted. But Medicaid has outpaced expectations, signing up 40 percent more people than CBO expected—even though a couple million people have been blocked from signing up by conservative state governments.
Medicaid is an inherently institutionally vulnerable program because its traditionally thought of as a program principally for the poor. Liberals like Bill Clinton have tried to refashion our perception of Medicaid over the years, pointing out (correctly) that it provides life-saving and valuable services for the middle-class, too.
Up until now, Medicaid’s protectors have been able to stave off the full conservative assault on the program. But it’s not without its scars from the persistent attacks. Seven years after Obamacare became law, conservatives are still hunting for enough scalps to claim a victorious repeal. And now that they’re in power, Medicaid is their juiciest target. Perhaps they really will live out the fantasies of Paul Ryan’s keg parties past.